This wide-reaching and multidisciplinary book questions whether gender politics are changing in response to this development, and explores how gender politics inform and are reproduced or reconfigured in the languages, knowledge, processes and practices of development in rural China. It is an informed account of culture and performance in the Chinese region of Xinjiang. But even those women who abandoned most of their land still raised chickens, grew vegetables, peanuts, and canola, and picked tea. There is no doubt that it will make a significant contribution to the field of gender and rural development. Biological assumptions underpin different moral and behavioural standards for migrant men and women. It also examines how the policies of the Chinese Communist Party have affected social institutions related to marriage, reinforcing the marriage squeeze, and discusses the implications of this.
Their detailed empirical work draws attention to local variations in the exclusion of women from village decision-making and land rights, and the different strategies women deploy to resist being deprived of land entitlements. Citizenship, household registration and migration; 4. And for the state and capitalists it enabled a double saving: not only could they save on education, the provision of care, and other aspects of social reproduction; in so doing, they could grossly exploit rural migrant workers, paying them wages so low as to have been otherwise unsustainable. In Gingko Village in the 1990s and 2000s, women generally migrated in their late teens and then returned to the village to get married and have a child or two. The E-mail message field is required. This wide-reaching and multidisciplinary book questions whether gender politics are changing in response to this development, and explores how gender politics inform and are reproduced or reconfigured in the languages, knowledge, processes and practices of development in rural China.
Nor did they sew clothes. They were supported in this by a post-Mao regime, which repudiated key features of Maoist development strategy and ideology, including its efforts to recruit women into the public sphere. Women, Gender and Rural Development in China is a superbly rich volume of thickly textured, reflective, and critical accounts of gendered processes of rural development. Women, Gender and Rural Development in China Tamara Jacka and Sally Sargeson eds. Grounding my analysis in feminist and critical theories of technology, I investigate the gendered uses and discourses of new media technologies that emerge from three types of entrepreneurial spaces: physical places where micro-entrepreneurship is based on new media technologies, such as internet cafés and mobile phone shops; virtual realms where new media technologies potentially facilitate entrepreneurship, including text messaging and various websites; and virtual spaces where informal learning and sharing take place via mediated networks formed around common occupations. The book focuses on the historical demands of identity, boundary maintenance, and creation among the Sibe, and on the role of musical performance in maintaining popular memory, and it discusses the impact of state policies of the Chinese Communist Party on village musical and ritual life. Definitions of key terms, discussion questions and lists of further reading help consolidate learning.
With collectivisation in rural China in the 1950s, a division between public production and private reproduction was institutionalised through a divide between paid production for the collective, and a private sphere of unpaid work. Initially, the supposed problem was that women and the elderly were poor farmers: policy makers were not much concerned with the wellbeing of overworked villagers, but they did worry about declines in agricultural production. She has published numerous journal articles and three books, Women, Gender and Rural Development in China co-edited with Tamara Jacka, published by Edward Elgar, 2011 , Collective Goods, Collective Futures in Asia Routledge, 2002 and Reworking China's Proletariat Macmillan, 1999. It explores the relations between shamanism, song, and notions of externality and danger, bringing recent theories on shamanism to bear on questions of the structural and affective powers of ritual music. These village carers also did a great deal of farming work to provide food for their families and earn some cash. There is no doubt that it will make a significant contribution to the field of gender and rural development. Most Gingko village women born after the mid-1960s did not spin or weave.
The agrarian family economy, combining home handcraft production and domestic work with small-scale agriculture, is commonly seen as a remnant of the past; a separate sphere that lags behind and is dependent on the modern economy, dragging it down rather than contributing to it. In October 2008, China's leadership signaled its intention to adjust this relationship to ensure that development of rural land contributes to development among expropriated villagers. In 1934—36, 24 percent of rural Chinese households were engaged in spinning and weaving. They also worked as underpaid farm labourers. Myths and Realities: Gender and Participation in a Donor-aided Project in Northern China Yang Lichao References Index.
She is a feminist scholar with research interests in gender and rural-urban inequalities, rural-urban migration, and social change in China. Officials equated feminine inside work primarily with textile production, especially spinning and weaving. Both cloth and grain supported subsistence and tax payments, as well as being sold Bray 2013, 93—120. But by then, transnational capitalist enterprises seeing new, even cheaper sources of labour in other countries had already begun moving elsewhere. Sharpe, 2006 , On the Move: Women and Rural-to-Urban Migration in Contemporary China co-edited with Arianne Gaetano; Columbia University Press, 2004 and Women's Work in Rural China: Change and Continuity in an Era of Reform Cambridge University Press, 1997. She has over twelve years' experience of teaching undergraduate courses on Chinese society and politics, and supervises postgraduate students in Chinese studies, gender studies, anthropology and development studies. It involved considerable commercialisation within the framework of the agrarian peasant family economy and much less industrialisation.
It draws on a wide range of Chinese, Sibe-Manchu language sources, and oral sources including musical recordings and interviews gathered in the course of fieldwork in Xinjiang. Berkeley: University of California Press. The marriage squeeze in China, whereby the sex ratio imbalance leaves many males without a marriage partner, is not only about numbers, but also about how the institution of marriage is socially, economically, and politically underpinned. We argue that this migration is integral rather than incidental to the gendered reproduction of state and society. Gender inequalities in civil, political and social entitlements widened after the de-collectivization of assets and devolution of governance to villages in the last decades of the 20 th century, and women's membership in a village collective often is debated. Before taking up her position at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies in 2007, Sally Sargeson was Associate Professor in the School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham. Real-life case studies illustrate the key features of social relations and change in China.
She has carried out field research in a number of sites in northern and central China. The analysis finds that the women left behind are doing more farm work than would have otherwise been the case. Families, kinship and relatedness; 2. The shift of rural women out of paid production into reproduction was a bonus, not a problem. For some types of women notably older women , the labor re-allocation response comes out of their leisure. As Jacob Eyferth has pointed out, this statement is extraordinary in the context of late imperial China, as it was underpinned by ideas about gender and work that were very new. Analysis of women's responses to expropriation suggests that by selectively deploying laws, rules and norms in different settings, women are influencing not only compensation distribution, but also the terms under which the state compensates villagers for their expropriation and the gender relations in which property is embedded.
However, through the Maoist period and into the post-Mao years, women of all ages sat with needle and thread each night, long after other family members had gone to bed, patching clothes and sewing cloth shoes and bedding see also Hershatter 2011, 193—95. A review of the emerging literature on trans-local householding explores the process whereby the reflexive engagement of the state and the household remakes rural-urban differentiation in ways that are deeply gendered and classed. It also emphasises diversity and multiplicity, encouraging readers to consider new perspectives and rethink Western stereotypes about China and its people. Developing Yunnan's Rural and Ethnic Minority Women: A Development Practitioner's Self-reflections Zhao Jie 8. The contributors - scholars in political science, anthropology, gender, development and Chinese studies - examine how differently positioned women are shaping rural development, and how development is affecting women's capabilities and gender power relations. During this period, women toiled for almost as many, and in some cases more, hours in such inside family duties as in collective production. Including full-colour maps and photographs, this book offers remarkable insight into Chinese society and social change.